Vulnerability, Poverty, Food Security and Bangladesh
Annotated Bibliography Series Series No. 2 Vulnerability, Poverty, Seasonality, Food Security and Microfinance Compiled By Tariq Md. Shahriar Institute of Microfinance (InM) E-4/B, Agargaon Administrative Area, Sher-E-Bangla Nagar, Dhaka-1207. Bangladesh. February, 2007. Contents Page General Topics 1 – 53 Asia Bangladesh South Asia Other Regions of Asia Africa The Americas & Other Countries Index By Authors 54 – 111 54 – 95 96 – 105 106 – 111 112 – 137 138 – 141 142 – 147 General Topics Acharya, S. S. (1992) “Drought and Response of Rural Families”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 27, No. 36: 1894-1896.
Adato, M. & Feldman, S. (2001) “Empowering Women to Achieve Food Security”. 2020 Focus Series, IFPRI, Washington, D. C. Abstract: Impoverishment is characterized by social differences—gender, generational, and ethnic, among others—that structure people’s access to economic and social assets. Gender inequalities are embedded within households and among kin, in the labor market and informal economic relations, and across community and wider networks. Recent investments to strengthen women’s position within these social units and empower women as decision makers have reduced inequality and improved ellbeing. They are addressing women’s needs for education, health care and nutrition training, credit, and employment. Even with increasing returns to these investments, some women require “safety nets”—private and public forms of social insurance—in response to shocks including drought, sudden illness or death of a family wage earner, job loss, political conflict, or dramatic currency devaluation. Buffers are also needed to reduce vulnerability during persistent crises in agricultural production, declines in landholding, pervasive or seasonal unemployment, or old age.
Women find it harder than men to weather these changes since they have less access to employment in alternative labor markets or to credit and support networks outside the family and community. Ahsan, Q. (2005) “Micro-credit, risk coping and the incidence of rural-to-urban migration,” Proceedings of the German Development Economics Conference, Kiel 2005 2, Verein fur Socialpolitik, Research Committee; Development Economics. Abstract: The focus of this paper is on the rural poor of south Asia and their struggle to cope with the seasonal risk of unemployment and the ensuing income risks.
In the absence of formal credit or insurance markets the rural poor typically resort to, among other options, the following informal strategies to cope with seasonal income risks: (i) seasonal rural-to-urban migration, and (ii) mutual (ex-post) transfers between families of friends and relatives. Access to credit through a microfinance institution could also provide a competing source of insurance. The question raised in this paper is how the access to credit may affect the more traditional/time honoured means of risk coping, such as seasonal migration. Given that credit, i. e. a creditfinanced activity, is potentially a substitute for seasonal migration, it is reasonable to argue that easy access to credit (or high return on credit) will lower the incidence of migration. However, there also exists a potential complementarity between the two activities (if implemented jointly) in terms of gains due to diversification of income risks. That is, given that income from migration is not typically subject to the same shocks as income generated by a credit-financed activity, a joint adoption of both activities creates opportunities for diversification of risk in the family incomes portfolio.
If the diversification gains are large enough then the adoption of both activities jointly will be preferred to adopting either of the activities individually. In that event, introduction of microfinance in rural societies may result in raising the incidence of migration. The joint adoption case for rural households is modelled using a choice theoretic framework, and exact conditions are derived for when joint adoption is preferable to adoption of a single project.
The model of joint adoption is estimated by applying a Bivariate Probit regression model on a single cross-section of household survey data from rural Bangladesh. Our preliminary results show that indeed the probability of participation in migration by household members is positively related to the probability of the household being a credit recipient. Ahmad, R. S. (1983). “Financing the rural poor: obstacles and realities”. Dhaka; UPL. Aigner, S. M,, Flora, C. B. , Tirmizi, S. N. & Wilcox, C. (1999). “Dynamics to sustain community development in persistently poor rural areas”.
Community development journal, Vol. 34, No. 1, 13-27. Abstract: In confronting the problem of persistent rural poverty, scholars and practitioners of rural development have increasingly questioned the utility of previous antipoverty approaches that emphasize individually oriented cash transfer programs or policies guided by a modernization/development model. Instead, to design a recent ten-year policy initiative, the 1994 US empowerment zone/enterprise community initiative, policy framers chose a new approach, locality-based rural development. Using rural census tracts with persistently poor profiles, the selection process emphasized the primary outcome goals of (1) sustainable community development and (2) economic opportunity for all residents, and two process goals of (3) citizen participation in the construction of a locally defined strategic vision and (4) the formation of community based partnerships to implement benchmark activities to achieve the two primary outcome goals. Alamgir, M. & Arora, P. (1991). “Providing food security for all. ” IFAD studies in rural poverty No. 01. New York; IFAD. Alamgir, M. (1981). “An Approach Towards a Theory of Famine”, in John R.
K. Robson (ed. ), Famine: Its Causes, Effects, and Management. New York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers. Alwang, J. , Siegel, P. & Jorgensen, S. (2001). “Vulnerability: A View from Different Disciplines”. Social Protection Discussion Paper, No. 0115. World Bank. Abstract: Practitioners from different disciplines use different meanings and concepts of vulnerability, which, in turn, have led to diverse methods of measuring it. This paper presents a selective review of the literature from several disciplines to examine how they define and measure vulnerability.
The disciplines include economics, sociology/anthropology, disaster management, environmental science, and health/nutrition. Differences between the disciplines can be explained by their tendency to focus on different components of risk, household responses to risk and welfare outcomes. In general, they focus either on the risks (at one extreme) or the underlying conditions (or outcomes) at the other. Trade-offs exist between simple measurement schemes and rich conceptual understanding. Anderson, M. B. & Woodrow, P. J. (1993). “Reducing Vulnerability to Drought and Famine: Developmental Approaches to Relief”, in John Osgood Field (ed. , The Challenge of Famine: Recent Experience, LessonsLearned. West Hartford, Connecticut: Kumarian Press. Atwood, D. A. (1991). “Aggregate food supply and famine early warning. ” Food Policy, Volume 16, Issue 3, Pages 245-251. Abstract: Recent major strides in understanding food stress have led to a growing and healthy use of indicators of entitlements and income for the purposes of ‘famine early warning’. Exclusive use of such indicators, however, denies early warning efforts an equally important food stress indicator, the aggregate national food balance sheet.
Used properly, food balance sheets provide information governments need to increase overall food availability in the face of impending shortages. ‘Success stories’ of crisis avoidance often cited as relying on a food entitlements approach have in fact also given substantial weight to overall national food supply indicators and availability. Failure to avert food crises has occurred even in the presence of substantial attention to food entitlements when inadequate attention to supply indicators resulted in insufficient food in the country. Babu, S. C. (2002). “Hunger and food security. In World at Risk: A Global Issues Sourcebook”.
Pp. 320-342. Washington, D. C. Congressional Quarterly Press. BCAS, GFEP & UNDP. (1994). “Food security, environment and poverty”. Dhaka; BCAS (Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies). Baishya, P. (1975). “Man-made Famine”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 10, No. 21: 821-2. Bane, M. J. & Ellwood, D. (1986). “Slipping in and out of Poverty: The Dynamics of Spells”, Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 21, Vol. 1, 1-23. Abstract: This paper examines the dynamic of poverty. Previous analyses have examined either fluctuations in the male heads’ earnings or the frequency of poverty periods over a fixed time frame.
Our approach depends on a definition of spells of poverty. Using this methodology we find that the majority of poor persons at any time are in the midst of a rather long spell of poverty. The methodology allows us to estimate that less than 40% of poverty spells begin because of a drop in the heads’ earnings, while 60% of the spells end when the heads’ earnings increase. Thus, 2 researchers must focus on household formation decisions and on the behaviour of secondary family members. Number 1: 8-23. Barrientos, A. , Hulme, D. & Shepherd, A. (2005). “Can Social Protection Tackle Chronic Poverty? The European Journal of Development Research. Volume 17, Abstract: Recent developments in social protection have shifted its focus on to risk and vulnerability. These contribute to poverty directly, but also indirectly through the response of poor households to risk. The extent to which social protection interventions could address chronic poverty is unclear. A hard and fast distinction between transient and chronic poverty suggests a bifurcation in anti-poverty policy, with social protection addressing the former, and asset transfer policies the latter.
To the extent that factors behind chronic poverty extend beyond the direct and indirect impact of risk on households, social protection can at best constitute a partial response. The paper discusses these issues and concludes that ‘broad’ social protection can have an important role in interrupting risk and vulnerability among the chronic poor. Barrientos, A. & Smith, R. (2006). “Social Assistance in low Income Countries: Database”. IDPM and CPRC, the University of Manchester, The UK Department for International Development (DFID).
Abstract: The database aims to: • provide a summary of the evidence available on the effectiveness of social assistance interventions in developing countries, with special reference to low income countries; • focus on programmes seeking to combine the reduction and mitigation of poverty, with strengthening and facilitating household investments capable of preventing poverty and securing development in the longer term • identify such programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, with relevant programmes from other developing regions included where appropriate; • select programmes for inclusion in the database on the basis of the availability of information on evaluation, size, scope or significance; • provide summary information on each programme in a way that can be easily referenced by DFID staff and others with only a basic level of technical expertise. Barrett, C. B. & McPeak, J. G. (2003). “Poverty traps and safety nets”. Kluwer Academic Publishers. Abstract: This paper uses data from northern Kenya to argue that the concept of poverty traps needs to be taken seriously, and that if poverty traps indeed exist, then safety nets become all the more important. However, as presently practiced, safety nets based on food aid appear to be failing in northern Kenya. Barrett C. B. , Holden, S. & Clay, D. C. (2004). “Can Food-for-Work Programmes Reduce Vulnerability”. Discussion Paper #D-07/2004.
Department of Economics and Resource Management, Agricultural University of Norway. Abstract: Food-for-work (FFW) programmes are widely touted for their capacity to target poor populations effectively with a reliable safety net, thereby reducing vulnerability due to downside risk exposure, while simultaneously investing in the production or maintenance of valuable public goods necessary to stimulate productivity and thus growth in aggregate incomes. The empirical evidence is mixed, however, as to the efficacy of FFW in any of these dimensions. Proponents cite cases in which FFW appears to have performed as intended, while opponents present evidence of its failures.
The development community needs to guard against uncritical acceptance of either naive or hostile claims about FFW and to develop a better understanding of how, when and why FFW programmes can indeed reduce vulnerability. This paper aims to advance such an understanding. Barrett, C. B. (2002). “Food security and food assistance programs”. Chapter 40 in Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Volume 2, Part 2, Pages 2103-2190. Abstract: Widespread hunger and malnutrition persist today despite considerable growth in per capita food availability. This has prompted an evolving conceptualization of food security and of mechanisms to attain and maintain food security. This chapter discusses both food security and food assistance programs designed to respond to the threat of food insecurity. Baulch, B. & Hoddinott, J. (2000). Economic Mobility and Poverty Dynamics in Developing Countries”, Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 36, No. 6, 1-24. 3 Abstract: This study provides an introduction to this special issue of The Journal of Development Studies on economic mobility and poverty dynamics in developing countries. In addition to providing a conceptual framework, it outlines how the contributions fit into the extant literature. A series of regularities emerge across these studies. The poor consist of those who are always poor – poor at all dates – and those who move in and out of poverty, with the latter group tending to be strikingly large. Such movements in and out of poverty are apparent when looking at poverty in either absolute or relative terms.
Changes in returns to endowments can be a potent source of increased incomes. Finally, seemingly transitory shocks can have longterm consequences. The study concludes by drawing out the policy implications of these regularities. Baulch, B. (2004). “Aid distribution and the MDGs”. Working paper 48. Manchester: IDPM/Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC). Abstract: The United Nations and other aid agencies are calling for aid to be more than doubled so that the Millennium Development Goals. (MDGs) can be achieved by 2015. Unfortunately, as this paper shows, many important donors currently distribute their aid in ways that are not consistent with the MDGs.
It constructs aid concentration curves for four of the quantifiable indicators of the MDGs (monetary poverty, child malnutrition, non-enrolment in primary school, and under-five mortality) for the major bilateral and multilateral donors. A common ranking of donors’ aid programmes by these indicators is observed. However, there are major contrasts between the progressivity and regressivity of different donor’s aid programmes whatever indicator is used. The UK and World Bank have aid programmes which distribute around two-thirds of their concessionary aid to the low income countries. In contrast, the USA and the European Commission spend the majority of their aid budgets in middle income countries.
France, Germany, the Netherlands, Japan and the United Nations occupy an intermediate position, distributing between a half and two-thirds of their aid to low income countries but also making substantial disbursements to a few relatively small and well-off countries. Beck, T. (1993). “The Political Economy of Hunger. Volumes 1, 2 & 3- J. Dreze & A. Sen”, Disasters, Vol. 17, No. 1: 85-88. Behrman, J. R. (2006). “Methodological Note: Using Micro Data to Understand Better the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty in Low Income Developing Countries”. Working Paper 68. Manchester: IDPM/Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC). Abstract: Good empirical analysis of the intergenerational transmission (IGT) of poverty is challenging.
This note clarifies this challenge and possible contributions by considering: (1) what estimated relations would be informative for improving understanding within an intergenerational life-cycle behavioural framework with important unobserved variables (e. g. genetics); (2) possible resolutions to estimation problems; and (3) different types of data. The greatest progress can be made by focusing on: • Links between parental background and adult child resource access for which effects are thought to be particularly large and relatively uncertain. • High quality data regarding (a) representativeness, (b) power, (c) coverage of important concepts for such studies and (d) limited measurement error. • Data that permit better estimates, including their robustness to different assumptions – e. g. ith complete information on key variables for two or three generations, on intergenerational transfers, linked to time series records on contextual changes, sibling information, experiments, and/or longitudinal data. Through careful examination of existing data, keeping in mind considerations in this note, much can be learned about the IGT of poverty. But it is also important to be alert to opportunities for improving data and for encouraging collection of new and better data. Benson, C. & Clay, Edward. (2004). “Understanding the Economic and Financial Impacts of Natural Disasters”. World Bank. Abstract: The study described here examines the short- and longterm economic and financial impacts of natural disasters.
It relies in part on in-depth case studies of overall sensitivity to natural hazards in the small island economy of Dominica; public finance consequences of disasters in Bangladesh; and the economic consequences of climatic variability and the use of climatic forecasting in Malawi and southern Africa. Policy implications are drawn, and, where appropriate, recommendations are made. Finally, directions for future research and cooperation are outlined. 4 Vol: 16 (5) 539-654. Bhagwati, J. N. (1988). “Poverty and Public Policy. ” World Development Report. Abstract: Polemic article/lecture discussing alternative economic policies: indirect (growth oriented) – direct (distribution) route. India’s growth-oriented policies were not an end in itself, but a means to improve conditions of poor, activist and interventionist assault on poverty. Disputes (but not disproves) “immiserising growth theory” (Ghose and Griffin, 1979).
Etienne (1982) shows that growth has pushed several of the poor on in life; Ahluwalia (1985); Bhalla and Vahishta (1985). Direct route: trade-off remains. Overstated case of Sri Lanka – shows advisability of assigning primacy to growth-oriented route to ameliorating poverty. Bigman, D. & Fofack, H. (2000). “Geographical Targeting for Poverty Alleviation: Methodology and Applications”, World Bank Economic Review, Vol14. No. 1: 129145. Washington D. C. Abstract: In the face of rising public deficits and shrinking public resources, geographical targeting may be a viable way to allocate resources for poverty alleviation in developing countries. Efficiency can be increased and leakage to the nonpoor reduced substantially by targeting increasingly smaller areas.
This article, and more generally the symposium on geographical targeting for poverty alleviation, proposes several techniques for augmenting data to produce more detailed poverty maps. It focuses on practical considerations in the design of geographically targeted poverty alleviation programs. In particular, it assesses the advantages and disadvantages of geographical targeting and describes how geographic information systems can be applied to improve poverty mapping. Bindraban. P. S. et al. “A review of the UN System Common Country Assessments and World Bank Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers”. Prepared in collaboration with the FIVIMS Secretariat, FAO by a team from Wageningen University Research Centre.
Abstract: At the request of the FIVIMS secretariat at the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), a review of 50 Common Country Assessment (CCA) reports and 25 Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), covering regions and countries with widely differing development status, was carried out as part of a FIVIMS/CCA integration project. The two major objectives of this review study were to assess the extent to which food insecurity and vulnerability problems are analysed and incorporated into policies, strategies and interventions, and to identify clear areas for improvement. The study was performed by an interdisciplinary team of scientists from the Wageningen University and Research Centre (WUR), The Netherlands.
Based upon the checklist of 20 items in the Terms of Reference agreed between the FIVIMS and WUR, a predefined analytical framework was developed comprising 255 questions grouped into seven domains: (1) general country details; (2) report preparation details; (3) definitions used for food security and vulnerability, and for poverty; (4) policy statements on food insecurity and vulnerability, and on poverty; (5) data collection, use and presentation; (6) analysis; and (7) policies, strategies and interventions. The analysis was carried out in two stages. First, comparison of the data for the seven domains from the 75 country reports resulted in a detailed discussion of the breadth and depth of food insecurity and vulnerability analysis within these same country reports.
Second, the consistency with which the domains of food (in)security, vulnerability and poverty were dealt with, was analysed by answering the question “Does the selection of food insecurity and vulnerability as a development priority, in a country, result in clear definitions of food insecurity and vulnerability, in detailed analysis, in formulated policies and strategies, and, finally, in interventions aimed at reducing food insecurity and vulnerability? ”The review has three main conclusions. First, there is a general deficiency in analysis of the extent and the underlying causality of food insecurity and vulnerability, and of poverty of specific population groups. Hence little analytical basis is provided for targeted policy and programme development. The incomplete nature of food insecurity and vulnerability analysis in these reports shows the need for a wider utilization of existing capabilities in a country through the involvement of more parties, and for the expansion of such existing capabilities through capacity building.
It is recommended that data collection be improved with special attention given to geographical, temporal and social disaggregation. Analytical methods need to be improved, in parallel with the identification of a comprehensive and congruent set of indicators. This forms the basis for functional cooperation among a diverse group of national and international institutions operating at national as well as subnational level. Second, the report concludes that in both types of country reports there is a lack of consistency between, on the one hand, priority setting and analysis, and, on the other hand, policies, strategies and interventions aimed at alleviating ood insecurity vulnerability, and poverty. Third, this review concludes that the CCA reports and PRSPs start with different perspectives, but both result in similar policies, strategies and interventions, irrespective whether or not food insecurity and vulnerability or poverty are identified as development priorities. It is therefore recommended that efforts be made to integrate situation analysis (and report) of poverty reduction, livelihood protection and 5 strengthening, and sustainable development, with an identifiable component that highlights food insecurity and vulnerability issues. Food security must be recognized as an essential component of development.
Based on the three main conclusion and derived recommendations, this review strongly recommends that an integrated framework to address food insecurity and vulnerability, and poverty be developed and incorporated into the preparation procedures of both CCA reports and PRSPs, or of any type of food insecurity and vulnerability, and poverty situation analysis, to support a comprehensive and well structured analysis that derives from a broad process of participation. Binswanger, H. & Landell-Mills, P. (1995). “The World Bank’s Strategy for Reducing Poverty and Hunger: A Report to the Development Community”. Washington, D. C. : The World Bank. Bird, K. , Moore, K. , Hulme, D. & Shepherd, A. (2002). “Chronic Poverty and Remote Rural Areas”. Working Paper 13. Manchester: IDPM/Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC). Abstract: This paper is a first attempt at putting the case that people living in remote rural areas (RRAs) account for a substantial proportion of the chronically poor.
The evidence for this will be gathered from country studies, longitudinal quantitative and qualitative micro-level studies, and the growing volume of work on spatial poverty traps. It is a substantial research exercise to identify where the chronically poor are, who they are, and why they are chronically poor. This paper will be able only to make an initial informed guess at the scale of chronic poverty in RRAs. However, there are strong theoretical and empirical reasons for the prevalence of chronic poverty in RRAs. Spatial poverty traps result from low endowments of ‘geographic capital’ (the physical, social and human capital of an area), with one household’s poverty reinforcing another’s.
Outmigration leaves behind insecure asset-depleted ‘residual’ populations with the cards stacked against them: high dependency ratios, stigma, and low reserves of social capital. High levels of risk characterise many RRAs, and contribute to the difficulties of emerging from poverty as well as the likelihood of destitution. This is true for ill-health and injury, natural disaster, harvest failure, terms-of-trade deterioration and reduced access to work. It may also be true of violence and conflict. By definition, RRAs are the other side of the coin: while major conurbations are located in favourable areas, RRAs are distant from these. Risk degrades assets, impoverishes the most vulnerable, and, where the density of poor and risk-prone households is high, prevents neighbouring households climbing out of poverty.
Social exclusion offers another perspective. While access to natural resources may be less of an issue in some RRAs, access to information, opportunities and connections goes a long way to explain persistent poverty. Exclusion is strongly linked to both state and market failures. Sources of exclusion include: physical isolation, ethnicity and religious discrimination, bureaucratic barriers, (tarmac) road bias, corruption, intimidation and physical violence, and the nature of the local political elite. Adverse incorporation is also more likely in areas remote from dynamic social change and the development of an active civil society to challenge historic power holders.
We hypothesise that RRAs are often insecure and conflict-prone. Local or national elites can use the disaffection stemming from exclusion and deprivation to mobilise disgruntled youth. RRAs are sometimes deliberately left with poor governance to enable elites to cash in on illegal trading opportunities. In future research, an attempt will be made to map conflicts at a regional and national level, in order to further investigate the relation between remoteness, conflict, vulnerability and poverty. Democracy seems at first sight to have little to offer the poor of RRAs. An exception to this is the greater emphasis on the prevention of destitution in democracies compared to non-democratic regimes.
Well-institutionalised democratic politics can bring benefits to the poor as a whole. But the chronically poor may be a less attractive constituent for institutional party politics, as it is difficult and likely expensive to deal with their problems within electoral periods, and the votes of the marginalized and excluded may be perceived as counting for less. It is likely to be more difficult for politicians to deliver on commitments to RRAs, which require high levels of resourcing, and may also require significant improvements to governance as a pre-condition. However, in the long term, democracy is likely to facilitate the development of greater political capabilities of poor people.
The question of how to increase social solidarity at national and local level is key for RRAs. There is little evidence that devolution of power is good for the poor. However, in RRA it would seem that a strong degree of decentralisation (as opposed to devolution) is essential to adapt decisions to the different environment of an RRA. RRAs are likely to require substantial additional government capacity in order to achieve the same standards of provision, given the additional difficulties of government in RRAs. The parameters of good governance for RRAs need to be analysed afresh – they are unlikely to be the same as the prescriptions at national level. The paper argues that there has been a widespread ‘policy failure’ in RRAs.
The focus on livelihoods development, based on successes in non-remote areas did not take account of the special risk, exclusion and marginalisation characteristics of RRAs. Attacking these causes of persistent poverty would involve a greater emphasis on human capital and security. Livelihood diversification would then become more of a 6 possibility. Policy sequencing is therefore critical. The neo-liberal policy discourse turned to human capital development in the 1990s and the World Development Report for 2000/1 has announced a renewed and welcome focus on security, which is, however, yet to be operationalised. Bloom, G. (2005). “Social Protection and Health”. Social Protection for Chronic Poverty Conference.
Abstract: The purpose of the paper is to review the intersection between the health and social protection agendas in reference to the needs of the chronically poor. It will review the evidence on the adverse impacts of sickness and the high cost of medical care on the poor. It will explore the implications of the impoverishing impact of major illness on health development policies. China is already establishing a health safety net to pay for hospital care. This is a major shift from previous strategies that favoured the provision of basic outpatient services. It will also look at other policy initiatives, such as the supply of drugs to treat HIV/AIDs, through the social protection lens.
The paper will conclude by highlighting the conflicting policy advice that can arise depending on whether the starting point is reducing the burden of disease or providing social protection for the poor. In reality, governments will have to balance the two policy objectives. Bohle, H. G. (1993). “The Geography of Vulnerable Food Systems”. In Bohle et al, (eds. ) Coping with vulnerability and criticality: case studies on food- insecure people and places. Breitenbach, Saarbrucken, Fort Lauderdale. 15-29. Abstract: Bohle’s opening chapter stresses the need to link the social and the spatial in analyses of vulnerable food systems, implying a social geography of crisis-prone places and regions, and also a regional geography of vulnerable social groups (p26).
Also, “The long-term structural and shortterm conjunctural need to be linked in order to decode the social, spatial and temporal “logic” of food crises” (p26). Boudreau, T. (1998). “The Food Economy Approach: a Framework Understanding Rural Livelihoods”, RRN Network Paper 26, ODI, London. for Bowbrick, P. (1986). “The causes of famine: A refutation of Professor Sen’s theory”. Food Policy, Volume 11, Issue 2, Pages 105-124. Abstract: This article argues that Sen’s theory of famine will lead to the wrong diagnosis and the wrong remedies for famine and will therefore worsen the situation. His analysis of the Bengal famine is a case in point. It is based on unreliable and inaccurate statistics.
Even the statistics he does use contradict his thesis. His explanatory hypotheses are shown to be theoretically and factually wrong. The actions of the Bengal government of 1943 are looked at in the light of Sen’s recommendations. Bowbrick, P. (1987). “Rejoinder: An untenable hypothesis on the causes of famine”. Food Policy, Volume 12, Issue 1, Pages 5-9. Abstract: This is a rejoinder to Professor Sen’s reply. It is argued that Professor Sen has not attempted to answer most of the criticisms or to defend his misstatements. Where he has, he has introduced new misstatements. There are also some new errors. Boyce, J. K. (2000). “Let Them Eat Risk?
Wealth, Rights and Disaster Vulnerability”. Disasters 24 (3), 254–261. Abstract: Disaster-vulnerability reduction is an impure public good: when provided to one it is provided to others, but not equally provided to all. This means that in addition to the question of how much disaster-vulnerability reduction to provide, policymakers face the question of to whom it should be provided. This essay distinguishes between two broad classes of approaches to the latter question, one based on wealth, the other on rights. Bracking, S. (2003). “The political economy of chronic poverty”. Working paper 23. Manchester: IDPM/Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC).
Abstract: This paper critically analyses the relationship between political economy and the incidence of poverty. It argues that far from globalisation providing widespread opportunities for the poor in the short to medium term, the level of global poverty is likely to increase in absolute terms, both in terms of incidence and depth. This is because many of the poorest countries are involved in a historic transition from rural smallholder agriculture to urban industrial machinofacture, and are currently undergoing a rapid process of proletarianisation. However, some of 7 these transitions, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, are stalled or reversing due to differential incorporation in globalisation processes.
It is not only unlikely that the international targets for poverty reduction will be met, but probable that the period to 2015 will see an increase in absolute poverty. However, this is not because of the widespread ‘exclusion’ of the poor from integration into the global economy, but rather as a result of their integration on adverse terms, whereby ‘exclusion’ is better understood as adverse, differential incorporation. This adverse incorporation occurs at two levels: at the micro level within the labour regime in terms of available formal work, working conditions and remuneration; and at the macro-economy level where premiums for investment funds are disproportionately higher for the poorest countries.
The outcome of globalisation processes is illustrated in this paper by an examination of the commercialisation of agriculture and its differential impacts on relative and absolute poverty. The case study illustrates how agricultural modernisation creates a group of newly destitute people as a corollary of increased wealth stratification. The commercialisation of agriculture often increases levels of transitory, relative poverty and raises the likelihood that some segments of society will be pushed into chronic poverty. The paper then problematises possible policy action, theoretical and actually existing, within the context of harnessing ‘political economy’ measures on behalf of poverty reduction, by means of redistributive political action.
While it remains difficult to trace the global economy causation of poverty dynamics at the micro-level, it is possible to extrapolate broad poverty outcomes from the social trends associated with globalisation. The paper argues that processes of accumulation cause immiseration for some, increased inequality, and geographical abjection, which are currently insufficiently ameliorated by policy action. The contemporary policy orthodoxy of economic liberalisation, social safety nets and empowerment fails to recognise the radical policies, of redistribution and global regulation, that are needed to tackle the processes within capitalism that create and sustain poverty.
The paper proposes that further research be undertaken to review the success or otherwise of government policy to asset the poor by means of redistribution of economic rights and rents. Braun, J. V. (1995). “Employment for Poverty Reduction and Food Security”, IFPRI. Abstract: While economic growth generally leads to reduction of poverty, the process is usually very slow. This book analyzes the potential for poverty reduction and provision of safety nets to the poor, through employment generation programs. The volume examines the role of employment generation programs as development tools and as tools for reducing the vulnerability of the poor. Employment programs could be used as substitutes for food subsidies, especially given the destruction from unrest in many countries.
Papers in the volume examine the relationships between employment and poverty in a growth strategy and then look recent economic trends of a rapidly growing labor force in most developing countries, employment growth rates being lower than economic growth rates, low unskilled wages due to economic crises and structural adjustment, and the need for infrastructure due to development needs as well as at country experience. The focus of these chapters ranges from policy and program design and effectiveness issues to political-economy considerations, participation and sustainability issues, and intrahousehold effects. Specific examples reviewed include: 1) Bangladesh’s food-for-work program and alternatives; 2) China’s varied experience with labor-intensive public works in rural areas.
This may be of particular interest to countries in the process of moving from state dominated to market-oriented economic systems, while at the same time dealing with poverty; 3) India’s employment policies and programs targeted toward the poor; 4) Labor-intensive public works in the drought-prone areas of Botswana and Tanzania; 5) Rural and urban experiences with employment programs in Niger and Zimbabwe. Issues of private vs. public-sector implementation are dealt with; 6) Employment programs in Ethiopia, the largest in Africa, in a context of famine as a constant risk; 7) Employment policies and programs in Latin America, that have been integrated in social investment funds initiatives. Braun, J. V. (2003). Food Aid for Sustainable Food Security”. International Food Policy Research Institute(IFPRI). Abstract: Since decades, food aid is a contentious instrument for addressing hunger and food security. The workshop carefully considered the pros and cons of food aid on the basis of past and current evidence, including practitioners’ experiences. In particular, the workshop re-visited food aid in view of the perspectives of the ongoing WTO trade negotiations, the experience gained with the Food Aid Convention, the initiatives related to the human right to adequate food resulting from the World Food Summit, and the challenges of health crises, i. e. HIV/AIDS.
The “statement” results from an open and participatory process of working groups, and from more comprehensive plenary presentations by main actors in food aid (recipient governments, bilateral and multilateral donors, international agencies, NGOs). While reflecting a fair amount of consensus, the individual workshop participants and delegates cannot be held responsible for the statement. It is meant to serve stimulation of further discussion for innovation and improvement of key aspects of food aid for sustainable food security. 8 Braun, J. V. (2005). “New risks and opportunities for food security: scenario analyses for 2015 and 2050: Scenarios for food security policy actions and failures”. 2020 Vision for Food, Agriculture and the Environment, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
Abstract: This paper presents three scenarios of different food security policy alternatives, involving varying risks and opportunities: a progressive policy actions scenario, a policy failure scenario, and a technology and natural resource management failure scenario. The paper explores new and salient food and nutrition security dimensions related to each of the scenarios, and explores the potential implications of policy action and inaction in several main risk areas as well as the effects on child malnutrition in the developing world, commodity prices, demand, cereal yields, production, and net trade. The progressive policy actions scenario outlines several of the most crucial positive steps. It assumes a new focus of national investment and expenditure, supported internationally, on agricultural growth and rural development, increasing between 2005 and 2015 and stabilising thereafter.
The policy failure scenario assumes that there are trade and political conflicts, with no progress on global agricultural trade negotiations and increased levels of trade restrictions worldwide. The technology and natural resource management failure scenario assumes water mismanagement, declining irrigation efficiency, lack of adaptation to climate change, and pest problems in agriculture Bromley, D. W. (2003). “Rethinking Sustainability: Power, Knowledge, and Institutions”. American Journal of Agricultural Economics 85 (1), 289-290. Brown, L. R. , Feldstein, H. , Haddad, L. J. , Pena, C. & Quisumbing, A. R. (1995). “Generating food security in the year 2020 : women as producers, gatekeepers, and shock absorbers. ” Washington, D. C. International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Abstract: Meeting world food needs in the year 2020 will depend even more than it does now on the capabilities and resources of women. Women are responsible for generating food security for their families in many developing countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. Women not only process, purchase, and prepare food, but they also play a significant role in national agricultural production, producing both food and cash crops. Population growth, urbanization, and the limited potential for increasing production through the expansion of cultivated area imply that, for food needs to be met in the future, yields will have to increase.
Agricultural research continues to develop new varieties with higher yields and increased tolerance to unfavorable environmental conditions, but an untapped source of productivity gains could lie in addressing gender disparities in agriculture. This brief examines the key roles that women play in maintaining the three pillars of food security–food production, food access, and food utilization–and it looks at how strengthening these pillars through policies that enhance women’s abilities and resources provides a solution to meeting world food needs in the year 2020. Brown, O. (2005). “The Environment and our Security: how our understanding of the links has changed”. IISD. Abstract: Environmental degradation and the exploitation of natural resources are recognized as important drivers of violence between and within states, contributing to poverty and state failure.
This paper charts our evolving understanding of the complex relationship between environmental change and security, a debate that has developed considerably since the UN Conference on the Human Environment, held in Sweden in 1972. It attempts to outline the major theoretical approaches and to arrive at some conclusions as to what we do know about the links between the environment and our security. Finally, the paper makes some suggestions for practical policies that can ensure environmental management is supportive of both peace and sustainable development. Brown University Faculty (1990). “Overcoming hunger: Promising programmes and policies”. Food Policy, Volume 15, Issue 4, Pages 286-298.
Abstract: An interdisciplinary group of faculty at Brown University scrutinized recent interventions and proposals for ending hunger. The group culled from literature and praxis 26 sets of promising programmes and policies for eliminating regional food shortage, reducing household food poverty, and diminishing individual food deprivation. They used these to address seven of the multiple aspects of hunger: famine, food insufficiency, urban food poverty, rural food insecurity, disease and undernutrition, childhood wasting and stunting, and iodine and vitamin A deficiency. Taking into account the economic, demographic and environmental trends that could thwart effective action, the overall programme calls for an imaginative enlistment of new economic, institutional, 9 nd nongovernmental resources, as well as the best of past and ongoing efforts, to halve world hunger in the 1990s. Bryant, E. (2005). “Building local skills and knowledge for food security”. International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Abstarct: Sustainable development and food security in poor countries cannot succeed in the longterm without qualified local individuals and institutions. Local capacity development is now being viewed as an essential task for governments and international agencies. The author notes that local capacity has in many cases been the missing piece to the development puzzle – without it, efforts to achieve sustainable advances in development and food security will be in vain.
The author argues that this capacity building entails: • enhanced ability of individuals, groups, organizations, and communities to sustainably meet their food and nutritional security challenges • developing skilled, creative, and motivated individuals and establishing effective institutions to engage people in problem solving • fostering teamwork among the actors involved • donor commitment to bankrolling initiatives • empowerment (especially at local levels) • recognition by donors that capacity development is a long-term process • recognition that building agricultural capacity is not an isolated process, but one that needs to be joined with similar capacity-building efforts in areas such as journalism, nutrition, health services, and primary education.
The author concludes that investments in local capacity and strengthening of local institution can play an important role in unleashing economic growth and reducing poverty. Cafiero, C. & Vakis, R. (2006). “Risk and Vulnerability Considerations in Poverty Analysis: Recent Advances and Future Directions”. Social Protection Discussion Paper No. 0610; World Bank. Abstract: In the recent past, growing attention has been devoted to the attempt to correctly include considerations of exposure to risk in the discussions on poverty reduction and, more generally, economic and social development. The purpose of this article is to take stock of all these efforts and to reconsider the relationship between poverty and exposure to risk.
The authors present a short review of current practices of vulnerability measurement to discuss how none of them is truly consistent with an ex-ante view of assessing the true consequences of risk exposure. The authors argue that one way of addressing this inconsistency is by adding an estimate of the insurance cost needed to guarantee a socially accepted minimum level of welfare to the level of consumption expenditure taken as a benchmark to identify the poor. In other words, the authors define an augmented poverty line where the traditional absolute poverty benchmark level is marked up by the estimated cost of insuring against what are considered socially unacceptable risks.
The authors then discuss the practical implications for implementing such a measure and future research directions. CARE International (2006). “Living on the Edge of Emergency: An angenda for change. ” CARE policy update. Castaneda, T. (1998). “The Design, Implementation and Impact of Food Stamp Programs in Developing Countries”. World Bank, Washington D. C. Abstract: Food stamp programs are a mean to provide direct income support to selected beneficiaries for food purchases in the market place at unregulated prices. Food Stamps have been used for a variety of reasons in developed and developing countries. Most programs have sought to increase food availability and consumption of target groups, including the poor and most vulnerable.
In most cases, food stamps were introduced with economic adjustment measures that eliminated or reduced general food price subsidies, increased income and consumption taxes, and reduced other government expenditures to lower fiscal deficits and restore macroeconomic balance. In other cases, such as the United States, food stamps were introduced to combat hunger and malnutrition of the poorest populations, or as part of safety net programs to protect the poor and most vulnerable, such as in Jamaica. Castaneda, T. & Aldaz-Carroll, E. (1999). “The Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty: Some Causes and Policy Implications”. Inter-American Development Bank Discussion Paper. 10
Abstract: In this paper, IGT poverty is defined as the process by which poor parents transmit poverty and disadvantage to their children. The specific purpose of this report is to investigate the effects of family background factors in determining IGT poverty in Latin America, and to discuss policy implications. The analysis is based on empirical data from a sample of Peruvian families that were interviewed in 1985 and 1994, and the cross-sectional data sets of sixteen countries. The framework of analysis is that of quantity-quality interaction model of Becker-Lewis (1973) and Becker (1991). After first introducing the conceptual framework and then reviewing relevant literature, the authors present their results from regression and cross-sectional analyses.
The key findings suggest that family background characteristics play an important role in the educational and future economic performance of poor children. It was also found that those children who complete secondary education, and can thus likely break the IGT poverty cycle, are those with fewer siblings, higher educated parents, living in a higher income household, and are more likely to reside in an urban area. The policy implications are then outlined as: • governments should not overlook the role of parents in transmitting poverty or wealth to their children • low income families can be helped by social programs that benefit parents and children • there should be universal provision of high quality family lanning and other reproductive health services to all women and men • measures to reduce forms of discrimination against women should be introduced • adult literacy programmes should be introduced • adult skills training should be introduced • special support policies for indigenous people should be introduced • adequate attention should be given by the police and health system to the problem of domestic violence • policies to address the rural/urban inequalities should be introduced Chambers, R. , Longhurst, R. & Pacey, A. (1981). “Seasonal Dimensions to Rural Poverty. ” London: Frances Pinter Limited. Chambers, R. (2006). “Poverty Unperceived: Traps, Biases and Agenda”. IDS Working Papers 270. Abstract: With the priority of poverty reduction and with accelerating change in many dimensions, up-to-date and realistically informed perceptions of the lives and conditions of people living in poverty have come to matter more than ever.
At the same time, new pressures and incentives increasingly trap decision-makers in headquarters and capital cities, reinforcing earlier (1983) analysis of the attraction of urban ‘cores’ and the neglect of rural ‘peripheries’. These trends make decision-makers’ learning about poverty and from people living in poverty rarer and ever more important. One common means has been rural development tourism, the phenomenon of the brief rural visit from an urban centre. In 1983, six biases of such visits – spatial, project, person, seasonal, diplomatic and professional – against seeing, meeting and learning from the poorer people, were identified and described. Security can now be added as a seventh. Much can be done to offset the biases. The solution is to make more visits, not fewer, and to enjoy doing them better.
In addition, new and promising approaches have been pioneered for experiential, direct learning, face-to-face with poor and marginalised people. Examples are: UNHCR’s annual participatory assessments by staff; SDC’s ‘views of the poor’ participatory research in Tanzania; and various forms of immersion, most recently those being convened and organised by ActionAid International. In many immersions, outsiders become guests for a few days and nights, and live, experience and learn in a community. The question now is not how an organisation can afford the time and other resources for immersions for its staff. It is how, if it is seriously pro-poor, it can possibly not do so. This paper is a challenge to evelopment actors to practice a responsible propoor professionalism; to be pioneers and champions, seizing and making space for themselves and others to offset the biases and traps of headquarters and capital cities; and to have the vision and guts to seek out direct experiential learning and so to be in touch and up-to-date with the realities of the people living in poverty whom they seek to serve. Chaudhuri, S. & Ravallion, M. (1994). “How Well Do Static Indicators Identify The Chronically Poor? ” Journal of Public Economics, Vol. 53, No. 3, 367-394. Abstract: We investigate how well the most widely used static welfare indicators perform in identifying the chronically poor.
We propose a normative measure of performance: the cost of a given impact on chronic poverty when transfers are contingent, upon a purely static indicator. Using longitudinal household data from rural India, we find that current consumption is not always a better indicator of chronic poverty than current income. Both, however, perform much better than other common indicators, such as food share and access to land. 11 Chaudhuri, S. (2003). “Assessing vulnerability to poverty: concepts, empirical methods and illustrative examples”. Columbia University. Abstract: A household’s observed poverty level is an ex-post measure of a household’s well-being (or lack thereof).
But poverty is a stochastic phenomenon and the current poverty level of a household, may not necessarily be a good guide to the household’s expected poverty in the future. For thinking about appropriate forward-looking anti-poverty interventions (i. e. , interventions that aim to go beyond the alleviation of current poverty to prevent or reduce future poverty), the critical need then is to go beyond a cataloging of who is currently poor and who is not, to an assessment of households’ vulnerability to poverty. In this paper, we make the case for broadening the scope of poverty assessments to take account of vulnerability to poverty and outline a conceptual and empirical approach for doing so.
The paper has two broad aims: first, to provide a conceptual and methodological overview of the uses and empirical implementation of vulnerability assessments using household-level data; and second, to demonstrate, through a number of illustrative examples as well as two more detailed country studies, how the general methodological approach can be usefully applied and tailored to particular contexts and data, to yield policy-relevant insights about the nature and extent of vulnerability. Chen, R. S. & Kates, W. (1994). “World food security: prospects and trends”. Food Policy, Volume 19, Issue 2, Pages 192-208. Abstract: A food-secure world produces enough food for its population and provides access to food for all its people.
It must therefore ensure not only a balance between food availability and requirements, but also an end to famine, little seasonal or chronic undernutrition, and virtually no micronutrient deficiencies and nutrient-depleting illness. In 1990, we estimate that 15–35 million people were at risk of famine, 786 million were vulnerable to chronic undernutrition, and hundreds of millions suffered from micronutrient deficiencies, diarrhoea, measles, malaria, parasites, and other nutritional impairments. A normative scenario to achieve food security in the warmer, more crowded, more connected, but more diverse world of 2060 requires widespread acknowledgement of food as a human right, large increases in food production and income, a pervasive global safety net, and the capacity to cope with surprise.
Some elements of these requirements are already in place. This normative scenario results in fewer than 100 million hungry people compared with other ‘business as usual’ scenarios that project a hungry population of 641 million in 2060 under current climate and 629–2087 million with climate change. Speculative and clearly optimistic, our normative scenario offers multiple pathways for achieving a food-secure world. Chronic Poverty Research Center (CPRC). (2005). “Chronic Poverty Report 200405”. Clay, E. J. (1986). “Rural public works and food-for-work: A survey”. World Development, Volume 14, Issues 10-11, Pages 1237-1252. Abstract: There are three separate strands to the debate on food-for-work.
First, issues concerning labor-intensive public works more generally, in particular the tension between short-run employment creation/income generation and the size and distribution of the longer term income stream. Second, how useful is food as a wage good in rural works? Overall generalizations as to the superiority of cash as against wages in kind are not sustainable. Third, is food aid an appropriate resource to support rural works? The relative success over the past decade of major schemes in South Asia with food widely used as wage good. justifies a reassessment of the potential of rural works both as food security mechanism and in expanding employment of disadvantaged groups in a situation of widespread structural underemployment.
Less satisfactory longer term income distributional and asset generating impact of such schemes must remain a serious source of concern. The impact of food aid to rural works appears more problematic in subSaharan Africa. Scope exists for more flexible and innovative use of this resource. Cliffe, L. (2006). “Politics and the feasibility of initiatives on hunger and vulnerability: How important are political factors in delivering social protection? ” Wahenga. net, Regional Hunger and Vulnerability Programme (RHVP). Abstract: This briefing suggests how key political factors for policy-making can be identified, and assesses their importance within the context of delivering social protection.
The author illuminates the extent to which political forces can shape pro-poor policies and examines the value of ‘neopatrimonialism’ (a term describing the common patterns of rent-seeking and corruption by elites and the patronage networks stretching down into society) as a conceptual framework for this purpose. The paper then goes on to outline how countries can usefully be analysed in terms of how they conform to or differ from the neopatrimonial model 12 in the character of the state and civil society in the management of key livelihood resources including land, livestock, the commons and labour • in the actual delivery of social protection.
In doing so, the author highlights the importance of understanding the political context for policy formulation on food security and social protection, in • providing a basis for explaining how political forces impinge on policy, both decisionmaking and implementation • analysing how three-way links between state, patronage networks and civil society may involve forces promoting either accountability or neopatrimonialism. • shedding light on institutions and actors, including those at the local level, that are responsible for decisions on the targeting and delivery of social protection • • Cleary D. (2004). “People-centred approaches: A brief literature review and comparison of types Livelihood Support Programme”. FAO Rural Development Division; Working Paper Number 5. Abstract: This report aims to give a concise overview of some people-centred approaches to rural development that are being used, or have been used, in different areas of the world.
The approaches covered here are the sustainable livelihoods approach, as is being developed by the UK’s Department for International Development (DfID); the land management approach (gestion de terroirs); the farming systems approach; and some approaches that have been emerging from Latin America, and in particular territorial planning approach (ordenamiento territorial). This review can be seen as simply a general overview of some existing literature on the different approaches and lessons that have been learned from them. Coady, D. , Grosh, M. & Hoddinott, J. (2004). “Targeting of transfers in developing countries : review of lessons and experience. ” Washington, D. C. : World Bank; International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).
Abstract: Targeting of Transfers in Developing Countries: Review of Lessons and Experience reviews the lessons learned from 122 antipoverty interventions in 47 transition and developing countries to quantify outcomes and their determinants and to inform the design and implementation of methods for targeting the beneficiaries of antipoverty programs. In addition to providing comparative quantitative analysis of targeting outcomes and their determinants, the authors provide a qualitative treatment of common targeting methods. In each case, they review international experiences: how the methods work, what determines how well they work, what costs are likely to be incurred, and what are appropriate circumstances for implementing antipoverty programs.
The authors also provide a brief review of targeting, discussing the benefits and costs of targeting, methods for assessing targeting performance, and a taxonomy of targeting methods. Of particular interest to policymakers and program managers in developing countries, donor agencies, and nongovernmental organizations, this book offers important information to facilitate the effective design of antipoverty interventions that reach the poor. Coady, D. (2004). “Designing and Evaluating Social Safety Nets: Theory, Evidence, and Policy Conclusions”. IFPRI, FCND Discussion Paper no. 172. Abstract: This paper reviews the literature on the performance of commonly found social safety net programs in developing countries.
The evidence suggests that universal food subsidies have very limited potential for redistributing income. While targeted food subsidies have greater potential, this can only be realized when adequate attention is given to the design and implementation, as well as to the social and political factors influencing the adoption, of these programs. Although well-designed public works programs have impressive targeting performance, they have large non-wage costs; thus, to be cost-effective, they need to produce outputs that are especially beneficial to poor households. Social funds, which emphasize both community involvement and asset creation, have been cost-effective, but they are difficult to target to extremely poor households.
Traditional public works programs are particularly attractive for addressing vulnerability, but they require flexibility regarding choice of output. Targeted human capital subsidies appear to have great potential for addressing extreme poverty; but again, their design needs to reflect the human capital profile of countries and the administrative capability of the government. Cohen, M. J. (2002). “Food security: why do hunger and malnutrition persist in a world of plenty? ” In Chrispeels, Maarten J. and David E. Sadava, Eds. Plants, genes, and crop biotechnology, 2d ed. Pp. 76-99. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Publishers. 13 Cohen, M. J. (2000). Food aid and food security trends: worldwide needs, flows and channels”. EuronAid (16 pp. ) The Hague, Netherlands. Cohen, D. (2005). “Achieving food security in vulnerable populations: From food aid to sustainable food security”. British Medical Journal (BMJ). Abstract: Although the resources needed to combat food security are small compared with the benefits, very little is being done on a global scale to tackle this issue. This report recommends giving priority to actions to improve food security. Nevertheless, food security is a complex issue having a number of influencing factors. This means a multilateral approach involving both the international community and national governments is needed.
The main findings of the paper are: • Food aid is necessary to meet crises but is not the most effective way of providing long term support • Programmes should aim to maintain food security after the non-governmental organisations leave • Long term strategic planning and sustainability is crucial • Non-governmental organisations, international donors, national governments, and local communities need to work together • Cash for work schemes need to be coupled with food aid. The author concludes that if food insecurity is going to be overcome, there needs to be a shift of focus away from emergency food aid. Isolated interventions without local consultation is prone to failure, and the international community needs to actively respond to early warning information. Better food security will not only help to eradicated hunger, but will also lower child mortality, improve maternal health, and reduce poverty. Corbett, Development, Volume 16, Issue 9, Pages 1099-1112. J. (1998). “Famine and household coping strategies”. World
Abstract: Households faced with risks to their entitlement to food will plan strategically to minimize their impact. The task of doing this will be particularly demanding during famines. This paper reviews the evidence on household strategies for coping with famine in Africa and identifies some distinctive patterns in these strategies which can be used to examine household objectives at times of crisis, the management of resources to meet these objectives and limits to the effectiveness of coping strategies. In particular it examines the role of asset management and trade-offs between maintaining current food consumption levels and protecting the future income generating capacity of the household. Coudouel, A. , Hentschel, J. & Wodon, Q. T. (2002). Poverty Measurement and Analysis, in the PRSP Sourcebook”, World Bank, Washington D. C. Creti, P. & Jaspars, S. (2006). “Cash-Transfer Programming in Emergencies”. Oxfam GB. Abstract: In emergencies, distributing cash can often meet people’s immediate needs more quickly and appropriately than the direct distribution of commodities. Cash gives people choices and thereby preserves their dignity. Commodity distribution often poses logistical problems, and – in the case of food aid – it may disrupt local markets. But among humanitarian agencies there are fears that cash transfers will pose security risks, create inflation, and fail to be used to meet basic needs.
In this guide, the first of its kind, Oxfam staff present the rationale behind cash-transfer programmes. They explain how to assess whether cash is the most appropriate response to any particular emergency. Different types of cash intervention are compared – cash grants, vouchers, and cash-for-work – with checklists to explain how to implement each of them. The book draws on the practical experience of Oxfam and other agencies, including responses to the devastation caused by the Indian Ocean tsunami in December 2004. The guidelines are primarily intended for NGO personnel: programme managers, food-security specialists, public-health engineers, finance staff, and logisticians.
Policy makers in donor organisations and international agencies will also find them relevant. Cutler, P. (1984). “Food crisis detection: Going beyond the balance sheet”. Food Policy, Volume 9, Issue 3, Pages 189-192. Abstract: There is a disquieting tendency for agencies and governments involved in food crisis monitoring to neglect both the practical lessons of the past and widely disseminated recent academic research. One result of this is our inability to tackle adequately Africa’s current food crises and famines. This article argues that we already know enough to devise viable strategies to 14 deal with crisis, and that governments should be able to implement these without serious practical difficulty.
The real difficulty lies in persuading officials in agencies and governments to view food crises as socioeconomic events, rather than purely as a result of climatological and agricultural catastrophes. Dankelman, I. (2002). “Climate change: learning from gender analysis and women’s experiences of organising for sustainable development”. Gender and Development, Volume 10, Number 2, July 01,: 21-29. Abstract: This article argues that climate change not only requires major technological solutions, but also has political and socio-economic aspects with implications for development policy and practice. Questions of globalisation, equity, and the distribution of welfare and power underlie many of its manifestations, and its impacts are not only severe, but also unevenly distributed.
There are some clear connections, both positive and negative, between gender and the environment. This paper explores these linkages, which help to illustrate the actual and potential relationships between gender and climate change, and the gender-specific implications of climate change. It also provides examples of women organising for change around sustainable development issues in the build-up to the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD), and demonstrates how women’s participation can translate into more gender-sensitive outcomes. Dasgupta, P. (1998). “The Economics of Poverty in Poor Countries”. The Scandinavian Journal of Economics 100 (1), 41-68.
Abstract: This paper examines the links that have recently been studied between poverty, high fertility and undernourishment, on the one hand, and degradation of the local environmentalresource base and civic disconnection, on the other, in poor countries. An account is offered of a number of pathways involving positive feedbacks that create poverty traps, in which certain identifiable groups of people in an economy can get caught even when the economy in the aggregate experiences economic growth. The relevant policy implications are noted. Deaton, A. (1992). “Household Savings in LDCs: Credit Markets, Insurance and Welfare. ” Scandinavian Journal of Economics, Vol 94, No. 2: 253-273. Deshingkar, P. (2004). Livelihood diversification in developing countries: Livelihood diversification and poverty reduction”. Development Assistance Committee (DAC), OECD. Abstract: This paper aims to stimulate debate about the importance of diversification in poverty reduction, agricultural development and economic growth. It argues for: • a broader entry point for poverty reduction that is multi-sectoral instead of a sole focus on increasing farm incomes • the need for a better understanding of market and non-market constraints faced by the poor in marginal areas • a greater recognition of the role of mobility and rural-urban links in poverty reduction and regional development in marginal areas.
A number of policy priorities are recommended, which include: • at donor level: invest in less favoured areas but not in ways that stifle people’s own efforts at diversifying away from increasingly risky agriculture and into more rewarding urban occupations • support multi-locational livelihood strategies through investment in small towns, cheap transport services, accessible communication technologies at government/policy level: move away from a single-sector focus to a multi-sector livelihoods approach by reorienting thinking within public institutions dealing with poverty reduction • create the conditions for convergence between different line departments for agriculture, rural development, urban development, labour, especially at the local level • private sector/business: invest in urban infrastructure in small towns • Invest in roads, transport and communication technologies. Dercon, S. (1999). “Income Risk, Coping Strategies, and Safety Nets”. Background Paper for the World Development Report 2000/2001. Washington D. C: World Bank. Abstract: Rural and urban households in developing countries face substantial idiosyncratic and common risk, resulting in high income variability. Households in risky environments have developed sophisticated risk management and risk-coping strategies, including self-insurance via savings and informal insurance mechanisms.
Formal credit and insurance markets appear to 15 contribute only little to reducing income risk and its consequences. Despite these strategies, vulnerability remains high, and is reflected in fluctuations in consumption. It is clear therefore, that the further development of safety nets will be necessary. Fluctuations in consumption usually imply relatively high levels of transient poverty. High income risk may also be a cause of persistent poverty. The failure to cope with income risk is not only reflected in household consumption but affect nutrition, health and education and contribute to inefficient and unequal intra-household allocations.
Targeting assistance to the vulnerable population requires specific types of information. Analysing the characteristics of households experiencing chronic or transient poverty, or in general, their consumption fluctuations, can provide this information. Panel data are required for this analysis. Dessallien, R. L. (1999). “Review of Poverty Concepts and Indicators”. UNDP Poverty Programme. Abstract: This paper presents an overview of different concepts of poverty and approaches to its measurement. The variation in concepts reveals the multidimensional nature of poverty. Poverty can be conceived as absolute or relative, as lack of income or failure to attain capabilities.
It can be chronic or temporary, is sometimes closely associated with inequity, and is often correlated with vulnerabilities and social exclusion. The concepts used to define poverty determine the methods employed to measure it and the subsequent policy and programme packages to address it. The paper reviews the main types and families of indicators that have emerged over time, highlighting their strengths and weaknesses. It concludes with practical guidance to inform the choice of poverty indicators at country level. Devereux, S. (2000). “Livelihood Insecurity and Social Protection: A Reemerging Issue in Rural Development”. Development Policy Review, 2001, 19(4): 507-519.
Abstract: Risk and vulnerability have been rediscovered as key features of rural livelihoods and poverty, and are currently a focus of policy attention. The poor themselves try to manage uncertainty using a variety of ex-ante and ex-post risk management strategies, and through community support systems, but these are both fragile and economically damaging. State interventions working through food, labor or credit markets have proved expensive and unsustainable in the past, though encouraging and innovative institutional partnerships are emerging. This article argues that the way forward lies in new approaches to social protection, which underpin roduction as well as consumption: new thinking recognizes the food security and livelihood-protecting functions of public interventions (such as fertilizer and seed subsidies), which were previously dismissed as ‘market-distorting’. Devereux, S. (2001). “Can social safety nets reduce chronic poverty”? IDS, Sussex. Abstract: This article highlights distinctions between three determinants of poverty — low labour productivity, vulnerability, and dependency — and two categories of anti–poverty interventions — livelihood promotion and livelihood protection. Within this framework, social safety nets can be conceptualized as publicly funded transfer programmes with ‘consumption smoothing’, rather than ‘mean shifting’, objectives. However, the article hypothesizes that safety nets can have both ‘protection’ and ‘promotion’ effects.
Three southern African case studies confirm that even tiny income transfers are often invested in income–generating activities, education, social networks, or the acquisition of productive assets, suggesting that social safety nets, far from being a merely residual welfarist intervention to alleviate transitory and livelihood shocks, can play a significant role in reducing chronic poverty. Devereux, S. (2002). “Social Protection for the Poor: Lessons from Recent International Experience”. IDS Working Paper 142, Brighton: IDS. Abstract: Governments and donor agencies increasingly recognize the need to provide protection for the poor against income fluctuations or livelihood shocks.
In this context “social protection” is an umbrella term covering a range of interventions, from formal social security systems to ad hoc emergency interventions to project food aid (e. g. school feeding, public works). This paper synthesizes current thinking and evidence on a number of issues around the design and impact of social protection programmes, including: the case for and against targeting resource transfer; alternative approached to targeting; what form resource transfer should take (cash, food, agricultural inputs); the crowding out debate; cost efficiency of transfer programmes; whether these programmes meet the real and articulated needs of their beneficiaries; impacts of poverty and vulnerability, and fiscal and political sustainability. 16 Devereux, S. (2002). “From Workfare to Fair Work”.
The Contribution of Public Works and other Labor–Based Infrastructure Programmes to Poverty Alleviation. Issues in Employment and Poverty Discussion Paper 5, Recovery and Reconstruction Department, ILO, Geneva. Abstract: Based on the assumption that poverty is closely correlated to unemployment, public works programmes (PWPs) are intended to alleviate poverty through providing work opportunities to economically active people who are either unemployed or underemployed. Public works programmes can contribute to poverty alleviation in several ways, the most direct routes being through transferring income (in cash or in kind), and by creating useful economic infrastructure.
Indirect or ‘second round’ effects include income multipliers generated by spending of public works wages, impacts on labour markets, and enhanced employability of workers after the programme finishes. This paper adopts a broad definition of employment programmes ‘to include all employment and/or labour intensive, public-works type, programmes’. Yet, more importantly the paper draws a basic distinction between two types of publicly funded employment programmes. The first type, labourintensive employment programmes, maximise short-term employment creation, usually as a response to crisis or as a self-targeting means of identifying the poor for income transfers.
The second type, labour-based employment programmes focus as much attention on the objective of asset creation – especially infrastructure creation or maintenance – as on the objective of employment creation. In order to capture the distinction between these two types of public works programmes, the paper uses the terms ‘employment-based safety nets’ (EBSN) to represent the former and ‘labour-based infrastructure programmes’ (LBIP) to represent the latter. The paper argues that a failure to differentiate between these two categories of public works programmes has resulted in criticism of their design or impacts that is often unfair or misdirected.
Thus on the basis of the above distinction, the purpose of this paper is to examine the advantages and limitations of public works programmes as a poverty alleviating or poverty reducing intervention. In doing so, the paper considers a number of issues, which determine the effectiveness of public works programmes in alleviating poverty including targeting mechanisms, the scale of employment creation and income enhancement. Devereux, S. et al. (2004). “Improving the analysis of food insecurity: food insecurity measurement, livelihoods approaches and policy; applications in FIVIMS: Improved, integrated approaches to food security monitoring and analysis”. Food Insecurity and Vulnerability Information and Mapping Systems (FIVIMS).
Abstract: Food security analyses based on integrated livelihoods approaches have a much better potential to inform appropriate policies and interventions. Unfortunately, the local-level, disaggregated nature of these studies introduces difficulties in the scaling-up of findings and policies. In response, this paper presents the FIVIMS (Food Insecurity and Vulnerability Information and Mapping Systems) ‘Integrated Livelihoods Security Information System’ (FILSIS), a national information and mapping system. FILSIS is an amalgamation of ‘off the shelf’ methodologies, such as household surveys, GIS (Geographic Information Systems) and periodic national surveys which integrate nutritional data with livelihoods information in order to meet stakeholder needs for food security information.
The methodology is able to address two problems: • transitory lack of access to adequate food, and basic medical care, water, and sanitation services which, together, impact on the nutritional status of well-defined population groups • chronic sources of risk to the security of livelihoods, as measured by the level and stability of household income and other relevant indicators FILSIS is a two-track approach- fighting food insecurity by dealing with shocks, and tackling household income poverty by strengthening livelihoods. This requires: • better inter-agency collaboration • higher levels of donor resourcing • effective use of innovative GIS, mapping and database software • genuine commitment to building in-country capacity to collect, analyse and disseminate food security information. The authors hope that despite significant institutional, technical and financial challenges, FILSIS can serve as an effective information system for fighting poverty and hunger. Devereux, S. Sabates-Wheeler, R. (2004). “Transformative Social Protection”. IDS, Sussex. Abstract: Social protection describes all public and private initiatives that provide income or consumption transfers to the poor, protect the vulnerable against livelihood risks, and enhance the social status and rights of the marginalized; with the overall objective of reducing the economic 17 and social vulnerability of poor, vulnerable and marginalized groups. This paper argues against the popular perception of social protection as “social welfare programmes for poor countries”, consisting of costly targeted transfers to economically inactive or vulnerable groups.
It also challenges the limited ambition of social protection policy in practice, which has moved little from its origins in the “social safety nets” discourse of the 1980s, and aims to provide “economic protection” against livelihood shocks, rather than “social protection” as broadly defined here. Instead, we argue that social protection can be affordable; it should extend to all of the population; it can contribute to the Millennium Development Goal of poverty reduction; and it can empower marginalized people and be socially “transformative”. D’Exelle, B. & DeHerdt, T. (2005). “The Role of Fairness concerns in Social Protection and Poverty Reduction”.
Social Protection for Chronic Poverty Conference. Abstract: Growing experimental evidence shows how fairness concerns play a prominent role in shaping human interaction. People not only reciprocate good/bad intentions with good/bad behaviour (process-based fairness), they also want to have fair outcomes in terms of a certain allocation criterion (such as needs, equality, equity). Taking due account of local notions of fairness and how they shape human interaction has the potential to lead us to new insights when studying social protection and poverty reduction. More particularly it helps us to understand some potential obstacles for the following challenges of poverty reduction initiatives.
First, how to reach the people who remain excluded from local and external support and, second, how to establish sustainable relations with local people. The article will use case-study material collected in rural Nicaragua to illustrate this. Within their continuous interaction with local and external actors (including interventions of poverty reduction) local people assess past and present actions on the basis of their personal standards of what they understand as “fair behaviour”. There are many different criteria to assess fairness, so it is not surprising that there is often little consensus on what is fair. The presence of different notions of fairness both between local people and between local and external people is the rule rather than the exception.
At the same time local people minimise their vulnerability relying on (local and external) economic assets and social networks. These assumptions of human interaction lead us to the following observations with respect to the challenges of poverty reduction. First, the social networks people use to reduce vulnerability are based on reciprocal behaviour. People in such networks can fall back on the help of others, provided they reciprocate when others would need their help. For people to participate in these networks a minimum level of trust has to be built. Reciprocity, trust and the related social networks have an evolutionary character, i. e. their formation depends on previous interactions.
Although social networks can evolve towards substantially different structures as to their density and the types of actors involved, there are always certain people who are, by some or other reason, unable to reciprocate. Thus, they remain excluded from these networks and the social protection they offer. It is these exclusionary processes that we consider as principal causes of poverty. This logic of local-level exclusion has also implications for relations with external agents. To enable local operations, interventions of poverty reduction have to establish trustworthy relations with local people. For most local people, however, it is all but evident to become “visible” or to get in contact with these interventions. To increase the probability to get in contact with each other both local and external agents have to rely on local social networks.
Concomitantly, there is an overlap between the group of people excluded from support offered by social networks and the group of people excluded from the resources channelled by external interventions. Since putting local peers in contact with external interventions becomes then part and parcel of the reciprocity logic, it is rather outcome-based fairness (instead of reciprocity fairness) that has to be assessed on its potential to extend networks to include the excluded. Although people in an advantageous position are often inclined to interpret fairness in such a way that it justifies their position, they might take account of the position of others and even unconditionally (i. e. without expecting reciprocity) undertake actions that improve the situation of the less privileged.
Also the less privileged who judge their situation as unfair, might be willing to undertake actions in an endeavour to improve their situation. In such a case external interventions of poverty reduction should be there to support these actions. Second, the existence of different notions of fairness between local and external actors endangers the sustainability and an optimal functioning of relations across the local-external divide. Especially in case of unexpected events that substantially change the initial situation, the differences come to the surface. We give the example of a microcredit programme that has repeatedly been confronted by local movements of protest against repayment of the pending loans or interests.
Especially in pre-election periods, after natural disasters or when large donations are channelled, the modus operandi of the programme is challenged. In these cases political brokers and local leaders exploit the differences between the logic of reciprocity-based mutual support networks and the individualistic logic of this programme (the loans should always be repaid! ) to gain local support. Another frequent cause of the breakdown of the relations between local and external actors is elite-capture, which we interpret as a reciprocity-based reaction. The elite invests time and resources in attracting external resources, so they feel entitled to decide on the allocation of the locally channelled external 18 resources.
We conclude the article with several policy recommendations. First, external interventions should have an eye for local notions of fairness. They should be extremely cautious as to how they approach local people and how their presence and operations are locally perceived. Second, when giving room to local people to define and justify local needs, an intervention should be aware of the existence of different notions of fairness and the possible exclusionary processes it entails. Third, feelings of unfairness between local people can be sources of local changes. In case they have potentially positive effects for the chronic poor these processes should be identified and supported. Dhawan, B. D. (1997). Book Review: Drought, Policy and Politics: The Need for a Long-Term perspective – K. Mathur & N. G. Jayal”, Contributions to Indian Sociology, Vol. 31, No. 1: 153-154. Dreze, J. and Sen, A. (1989). “Hunger and public action”. , Oxford University Press, Oxford. Dreze, J. & Sen, A. (eds. ). (1990a). “The Political Economy of Hunger: Entitlement and Well-Being”. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Dreze, J. & Sen, A. (eds. ). (1990b). “The Political Economy of Hunger: Famine Prevention”. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Dreze, J. & Sen, A. (eds. ). (1990c). “The Political Economy of Hunger: Endemic Hunger”. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Dilley, M. & Boudreau, T. (2001). “Coming to terms with vulnerability: a critique of the food security definition”.
Food Policy, Volume 26, Issue 3, Pages 229-247. Abstract: This paper seeks to improve the practice of vulnerability assessment for food security purposes by addressing long-standing issues that have hampered the development of both theory and methods. In food security contexts, vulnerability is usually defined in relation to an outcome, such as hunger, food insecurity or famine. This precludes employing the concept for the more specific task of evaluating the susceptibility of a population to explicitly-identified exogenous events or shocks that could lead to these outcomes. This lack of specificity has clouded interpretation of causal factors of food insecurity and famine.
Alternatively, in a widely-applied framework for disaster risk assessment, the concept of vulnerability serves the more specific purpose of identifying characteristics of population groups or other elements that make them more or less susceptible to experiencing damage when exposed to particular hazards or shocks. Risks of negative outcomes are created by the combination of hazards and vulnerability, and vulnerability is defined by its relation to hazards rather than directly in relation to the outcomes themselves. The result has been an easier and more transparent translation of concepts into practice. That this latter formulation can also be applied in the food security context is illustrated through an analysis of food security risks in Tanzania.
The analysis identifies economic alternatives households can exercise to meet their minimum annual food requirements. Exogenous threats or shocks that can suppress or eliminate particular alternatives exercised by different groups are identified as a means of assessing households’ vulnerability and consequently their risks of becoming food insecure, or falling below the minimum threshold. Ezemenari, K. , Chaudhury, N. & Owens, J. (2002). “Gender and Risk in the Design of Social Protection Interventions”. Social Safety Net Primer Series, World Bank. Abstract: This paper outlines a framework for analyzing the gender dimensions of risk and its effects on the outcomes of individuals, households, and various vulnerable groups.
The paper proceeds by first documenting, based on available empirical evidence, the gender disaggregated impact of shocks. Results from the studies reviewed lead to the following conclusions: – Current evidence suggests that shocks can lead to differences in outcomes by gender. – The most important factor that mitigates against adverse shocks is household level assets (the evidence shows that differences in gender outcomes are largest for the poorest households). – Men and women may be exposed to different risks or may experience varying degrees of vulnerability; these differences in vulnerability are strongly influenced by differences in asset ownership.
Gender roles and social norms determine whose labor is used as a buffer against shocks. Given these results, and the review of gender issues specific to a subgroup of social protection programs (namely, safety nets, pensions, and unemployment programs), the paper proceeds to outline 19 specific steps that can be taken to incorporate gender considerations in the design of these programs Falcon, W. P. & Naylor, R. L. (2005). “Rethinking Food Security for the TwentyFirst Century”. American Journal of Agricultural Economics 87 (5), 1113-1127. Fan, C. S. (2005). “Survival of the Gene, Intergenerational Transfers and Precautionary Saving”. Journal of Development Economics 76: 451-479.
Abstract: This paper provides a model of bequest and investment in children’s human capital at low incomes. It posits that parents and children are linked through their common concern of grandchildren and intergenerational transfers provide a material basis for the perpetuation of the family line. The model characterizes intergenerational strategic interactions in a dynamic game theoretical framework. Moreover, it explores intergenerational uncertainty as a source of precautionary saving. In contrast with the existing literature, the model implies that there are qualitative differences between precautionary saving from one’s own income uncertainty and precautionary bequests from children’s income uncertainty [Author’s Own].
Whilst the focus of this paper is on a series of mathematical proofs, its engagement with the question of intergenerational transfers demonstrates that they are important for living generations and form a significant part of the perpetuation of the family for future generations. FAO. (1983). “Rome Declaration on Hunger: Report on the 1982 World Food Day Colloquium”. Rome: Food and Agricultural Organisation of the United Nations. FAO. (1996). “Tackling Hunger in a World Full of Food: Tasks Ahead For Food Aid”. A Report prepared by the World Food Programme for the World Food Summit 1996. FAO. (1996). “The Sixth World Food Survey 1996”. Rome: FAO. FAO. (2003). “Safety nets and the right to food”.
Abstract: This note explores the role that social safety nets, and more specifically food safety nets, can play in realising the right to food. The brief: presents the concept of food security and the obligations of the State within the right to food framework explores the concept of food safety nets from a rights-based perspective provides a more technical discussion of the key criteria to take into account when choosing a particular design, and a description of different kinds of programs found around the world Particular attention is paid to the choice between a cash or food-based transfer programmes. The paper argues that social and food safety nets serve as a method by which States may ulfil their obligation to provide food for those that, for reasons beyond their control, cannot provide for it themselves. Social and food safety nets play a key role in fighting transitory and chronic hunger, including reducing the gravity of food emergencies, and thus in assuring the right to food. As all human rights are interdependent and interrelated, safety nets must be designed and implemented with due regard of other human rights, in particular other economic, social and cultural as well as political rights, and to the principle of non-discrimination. The brief argues that a particular design should depend on local objectives and conditions.
As such, design should be driven by the needs and circumstances of a particular country or region, and the views of the beneficiaries, rather than the needs and priorities of donor countries and agencies. FAO. (2005). “Special Event on Impact of Climate Change, Pests and Diseases on Food Security and Poverty Reduction”. Background Document on 31st Session of the Committee on World Food Security, 23-26 May 2005. FAO. (2005). “The state of food insecurity in the world”, 2005. FAO. (2006). Policy Brief: “Towards Effective Food Security Responses in Crisis Situations”. Issue 1, June. FAO. (2006). Policy Brief: “Food Security”. Issue 2, June. Farrar, C. (2000). “A Review of Food Subsidy Research at IFPRI”. International Food Policy Research Institute. 20
Abstract: Since its earliest years IFPRI has conducted research on food subsidies, concentrating on methods to achieve the social objectives of subsidies without undue distortion of the economy or excessive economic and political costs. Studies have been conducted in eleven countries, several of which have been the site of more than one project. IFPRI research on food subsidies has had, and continues to have, significant impact at the country level. Moreover, the cumulative weight of the research has influenced how the development community regards food subsidy issues. Ferreira, F. , Prennushi, G. & Ravallion, M. (1999). “Protecting the Poor from Macroeconomic Shocks”. The World Bank.
Abstract: Many developing countries faced macroeconomic shocks in the 1980s and 1990s. The impact of the shocks on welfare depended on the nature of the shock, on initial household and community conditions, and on policy responses. To avoid severe and lasting losses to poor and vulnerable groups, governments and civil society need to be prepared for a flexible response well ahead of the crisis. A key component of a flexibly responsive system is an effective permanent safety net, which will typically combine a workfare program with targeted transfers and credit. Once a crisis has happened, several things should be done: Macroeconomic policies should aim to achieve stabilization goals at the least cost to the poor.
Typically, a temporary reduction in aggregate demand is inevitable but as soon as a sustainable external balance has been reached and inflationary pressures have been contained, macroeconomic policy should be eased (interest rates reduced and efficient public spending restored, to help offset the worst effects of the recession on the poor). A fiscal stimulus directed at labor-intensive activities (such as building rural roads) can combine the benefits of growth with those of income support for poor groups, for example. • Key areas of public spending should be protected, especially investments in health care, education, rural infrastructure, urban sanitation, and microfinance. • Efforts should be made to preserve the social fabric and build social capital. Sound information should be generated on the welfare impacts of the crisis. Fine, B. (1997). “Entitlement Failure? ” Development and Change 28 (4), 617– 647. Abstract: In this article, the literature around the entitlement approach to famine is assessed against the background of recent developments in economics which are perceived to have increasingly encroached upon the previously neglected subject matter of the other social sciences. In this light, emphasis is given to the tension that exists in the entitlement approach between its micro-foundations and macro-consequences and causes. This, in turn, is related to the broader problem in social theory of the relations between structures and agency.
Whilst it is found that the entitlement approach does embody an implicit causal content in the filtering of socioeconomic mechanisms through the distribution of individual entitlements, it is ultimately argued that the approach is primarily suited to investigative rather than causal analysis. Ford Foundation. (2002). “Building Assets to Reduce Poverty and Injustice”. Abstract: This report outlines the ideas behind and practice of the Ford Foundation’s Asset Building and Community Development Program. Assets are defined as “a broad array of resources that enable people and communities to exert control over their lives and to participate in their societies in meaningful and effective ways” (p. 4).
They include: financial holdings; natural resources; social bonds; and human assets. The Ford Foundation, over the last few years, has made grants available in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the United States in order to help build assets. This report identifies some of the key projects, outcomes and lessons learned from this program thus far, including natural resources for sustainable development in Brazil, alliances between the industrial and non-profit sectors in South Africa, individual development accounts in the United States, and recycling in Egypt. When outlining the benefits of an asset approach, the focus is on the benefits produced for future generations, and thus breaking IGT poverty.
It is argued that the economic, psychological and social benefits of an increased asset base provide the circumstances under which poverty can be interrupted and both individuals and households are able to plan for the future, laying a more secure foundation for subsequent generations. It is claimed that an asset building approach seeks to change the way assets are developed, distributed and passed on from generation to generation. The selected examples are used to demonstrate the role of people and institutions in the creation, distribution and use of key assets, as well as to reveal the importance of organizing civil society, securing human rights, making education available to all, good governance and cultural stewardship.
Three key new opportunities for asset bundling around the world are identified: a new equation for power sharing in communities produce by the trends towards decentralisation, globalisation, and increased communication; an increasing willingness to include social and environmental values in the fundamental operations of business and markets; and a new movement which is emerging to mobilise governments, international agencies and other public systems to be the base for equitable treatment of citizens. 21 Gentilini, U. (2005). “Mainstreaming Safety Nets in the Social Protection Policy Agenda: a New Vision or the Same Old Perspective? ” Social Protection for Chronic Poverty Conference. Abstract: The primary purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution, constraints and challenges of the role of social safety nets (SSNs) as part of a social protection strategy. In the wake of structural adjustment programmes, the 80s and 90s saw disillusionment with SSNs.
They were often criticized as mere mechanisms to off-set macro policies that reduced the poor to passive recipients of handouts and made scarce contribution to broader development strategies. Very little attention was paid in conceiving them in a way that protected households from the next shock, and – in Sub-Saharan Africa in particular – the result has been a slow but inexorable erosion of livelihoods during time. New understandings on poverty dynamics have greatly contributed to shape a new role for social protection in general, and SSNs in particular. Social protection should not be associated with mere policies designed and implemented by parastatal agencies.
Whilst recognising that Governments in developing countries often have limited capacities, social protection represents an institutionalized strategy by multiple actors under Governments’ coordination, so that the setbacks inherent in the development process are more fully understood and activities in relief and development are made more mutually supportive rather than competitive. However, careful empirical evidence is still needed to better guide policies on how to build synergies and harmonize different programmes under the national social protection frameworks. While different approaches and interpretations still persist, common key-messages are emerging, and the way forward looks promising. Gilligan, D. Hoddinott, J. , Quisumbing, A. R. & Sharma, M. (2005). “Assessing the longer-term impact of emergency food aid in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Malawi”. Washington, D. C. Rome: International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Abstract: IFPRI examined the effectiveness of community-based targeting following three recent emergencies: the 1998 floods in Bangladesh; the 2002 drought in Ethiopia; and the 2001-02 failed maize harvest in Malawi. All three cases show limited long-term impact in the aggregate from either food for- work or free food distribution, although positive impacts were found for some groups of recipients in all three studies.
The sparse average impacts appear to be related to quantity, timing, and targeting. Households received only small amounts of food aid, when compared with their total consumption. In addition, some of the transfers arrived months after the crisis began. In many instances, they were not regularly available or sustained for more than a season. And targeting was in many cases inconsistent or ambiguous as to whether to focus on the poorest or those most affected by crisis. Gore, C. (2003). “Globalization, the International Poverty Trap and Chronic Poverty in the Least Developed Countries”. Working Paper 30. Manchester: IDPM/Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC).
Abstract: The argument of this paper is founded on an analytical perspective that can be summarized through three basic propositions. Firstly, the phenomenon of chronic poverty is best analysed through examination of the nature of poverty traps. Secondly, the causes of poverty can be identified at different levels of aggregation, running from the micro level (the characteristics of the household and community), up to the national level (characteristics of the country) and up to the global level (the nature of the international economy and the institutional structures which govern international relationships). As a corollary, it is possible to identify poverty traps at different levels of aggregation.
Thirdly, globalisation, which is understood here as increasing interrelationships between countries, necessitates a shift in the framework for poverty analysis so that poverty at the household, community and national level is analysed in a global context. The paper applies this perspective to analyse chronic poverty in the least developed countries (LDCs). It argues that $1-a-day poverty is pervasive and persistent in most LDCs because they are caught in an international poverty trap. At the heart of this trap there are a various domestic vicious circles through which the high incidence and severity of poverty act as constraints on national economic growth, thus perpetuating all-pervasive poverty.
The poverty trap can be described as international because an interrelated complex of trade and finance relationships is reinforcing the cycle of economic stagnation and generalized poverty within many LDCs, which is in turn reinforcing the negative complex of external relationships. The paper suggests that the current form of globalisation is tightening rather than loosening this international poverty trap. Section 2 briefly describes poverty trends in the LDCs. Section 3 argues that these trends are the result of economic stagnation, by looking at growth trends in the LDCs and the nature of the long-term 22 relationship between economic growth and extreme ($1-a-day) poverty in lower income countries.
Section 4 sets out elements of the international poverty trap, which is particularly relevant for commodity-exporting LDCs, and section 5 identifies ways in which the current form of globalisation is likely to be tightening rather than loosening the international poverty trap. The conclusion draws out some general policy implications. Hammill, A. (2004). “Focusing on Current Realities: It’s time for the impacts of climate change to take centre stage”. IISD. Abstract: While the future of the Kyoto Protocol remains unclear, it is vital that we look at ways to adapt to the current realities of climate change. “Policy responses to climate change must not be limited to addressing the source of the problem,” writes IISD’s Anne Hammill. but must include measures that help communities to adapt to its impacts. ” Hansen, J. W. , Dilley, M. , Goddard, L. , Ebrahimian, E. & Ericksen, P. 2004). “Climate variability and the Millennium Development Goal hunger target”. International Research Institute for Climate Prediction (IRI), Columbia University. Abstract: Climate variability contributes significantly to poverty and food insecurity. Proactive approaches to managing climate variability within vulnerable rural communities and among institutions operating at community, sub-national, and national levels is a crucial step toward achieving the Millennium Development Goal of eradicating extreme poverty and hunger. The impacts of climate variability are both ex post (losses that follow a climate shock) and ex ante (opportunity costs of